विद्यापीठांचा सुकाळ, गुणवत्तेचे काय?

पैसा आणि जमीन असणाऱ्या कोणालाही विद्यापीठ काढण्याची मुभा देणारे खासगी विद्यापीठ विधेयक महाराष्ट्राच्या विधिमंडळात अक्षरशः अर्ध्या मिनिटात कोणत्याही चर्चेशिवाय मंजूर झाले आहे. विधान परिषदेची मंजुरी मिळाल्यानंतर तब्बल सात वर्षांनी हे विधेयक काही बदलांसह विधानसभेत मांडले गेले. सात वर्षांपूर्वी विधेयकाला राज्यभर झालेला विरोध लक्षात घेऊन सरकारने ते विधानसभेत मांडलेच नव्हते. ते मांडण्यासाठी सरकारला मावळातल्या गोळीबारावरून झालेल्या गोंधळाचे निमित्त सापडले, हा निव्वळ योगायोग असावा का?

एका बाजूला "शिक्षणाचे व्यापारीकरण करणारा काळा कायदा' अशा शब्दात या विधेयकाची संभावना झाली. दुसरीकडे शिक्षणक्षेत्रात अपेक्षित असलेल्या बदलांविषयी सातत्याने आपले म्हणणे मांडणाऱ्या तज्ज्ञांनीही या विधेयकातल्या त्रुटींवर नेमके बोट ठेवले. विधेयकातल्या पळवाटा बंद करा, असा त्यांचा आग्रह होता. शिक्षणाच्या खासगीकरणाचे तत्त्व मान्य केल्यानंतर अशा विधेयकाबद्दल आक्रस्ताळी भूमिका घेण्याऐवजी सरकार आणि समाजातल्या अन्य घटकांच्या सहकार्याने गुणवान विद्यार्थ्यांना शिक्षण-प्रशिक्षण आणि संशोधनाच्या माध्यमातून नव्या संधी उपलब्ध करण्यासाठी नवी सक्षम यंत्रणा निर्माण होणे अपेक्षित होते. सरकारने मात्र राज्यातले शिक्षण घडवण्याइतकीच बिघडवण्याचीही क्षमता असणारे हे विधेयक गोंधळात मंजूर होऊ देण्याची असंवेदनशीलता दाखवली. तरुणांची वाढती संख्या हे आपले बलस्थान असल्याचे सांगणाऱ्या नेत्यांनी उच्च शिक्षणाच्या प्रतीक्षेत असणाऱ्या राज्यातल्या लाखो विद्यार्थ्यांच्या भवितव्याशी एका अर्थाने खेळ केला आहे, असेच म्हणावे लागेल.

या विधेयकात विविध पातळ्यांवर असणाऱ्या त्रुटी दाखवून देणारी एक लेखमाला "सकाळ'ने पावसाळी अधिवेशनात विधेयक येत असतानाच प्रसिद्ध केली होती. विधेयकात त्रुटी आहेत, त्या लक्षातही येऊ लागल्या आहेत; मात्र विधेयक विधिमंडळात चर्चेसाठी दाखल झाल्याने आता तातडीने कोणताही बदल करणे शक्‍य नाही, अशी भूमिका उच्च शिक्षण विभागाने त्या वेळी घेतली होती. झालेल्या चुका दुरुस्त करण्यासाठी विधिमंडळात आमदारांची संयुक्त समिती नेमण्याच्या पर्यायावर विचार होऊ शकतो, असे म्हणण्याचा उदारपणाही उच्च शिक्षण विभागाने दाखवला होता.

स्वयं-अर्थसाहाय्यित विद्यापीठ (स्थापना व विनियमन) विधेयकाच्या रूपाने महाराष्ट्र सरकारने खासगी विद्यापीठांना मोकळे रान देण्याचा पुन्हा एकदा घाट घातल्याची टीका सातत्याने होत होती. अंबानींच्या रिलायन्स फाउंडेशनसह अन्य उद्योगपती, व्यापारी व नेतेमंडळींना कमीत कमी अटी असणारा खासगी विद्यापीठ कायदा लवकर हवा असल्यानेच सरकार हा कायदा आणण्याची घाई करत असल्याचा आरोपही केला गेला होता. "शंभर एकर जागा अधिक पाच कोटी रुपये', अशा शब्दात शिक्षणक्षेत्रातील बिनीच्या शिलेदारांनीच नव्या विधेयकामुळे येणाऱ्या खासगी विद्यापीठांचे वर्णन केले आहे. खासगी विद्यापीठात शुल्क नियंत्रणाची तरतूद नसणे, आरक्षणाच्या घटनात्मक तत्त्वाला दिलेली बगल, ही विद्यापीठे विद्यापीठ अनुदान आयोगाच्या आणि कुलपतींच्याही नियंत्रणाबाहेर असणे आणि बड्या गुंतवणूकदारांमुळे शिक्षणाचा व्यापार होण्याची भीती या विधेयकाच्या निमित्ताने व्यक्त होते आहे. महाराष्ट्राला शतकाहून अधिक काळ शिक्षणक्षेत्रात काम करणाऱ्या संस्थांचा एक मोठा इतिहास आहे. आता मात्र महाराष्ट्रात खासगी विद्यापीठ स्थापन करण्यासाठी शैक्षणिक पार्श्‍वभूमी किंबहुना शिक्षणविषयक आस्था असण्याचीच गरज संपुष्टात येऊ घातली आहे.

अकराव्या पंचवार्षिक योजनेत शैक्षणिक संस्थांच्या निर्मितीवर भर देण्यात आला; त्याचबरोबर कर्नाटक, राजस्थान, गुजरात, छत्तीसगड अशा अनेक राज्यांनी खासगी विद्यापीठांनाही प्रोत्साहन दिले. गेल्या काही काळात उच्च शिक्षणक्षेत्रात मोठे फेरबदलही झाले. यशपाल समिती, काकोडकर समिती, टंडन समितीच्या शिफारशी लक्षात घेऊन केंद्र सरकारने चाकोरीबद्ध शिक्षणाला स्वायत्त करणारी नवी विधेयकेही तयार केली. आता बाराव्या पंचवार्षिक योजनेवर काम सुरू झाले असताना सरकार व्यावसायिक आणि तंत्र शिक्षणाबरोबर व्होकेशनल एज्युकेशन व प्रशिक्षणावर भर देत आहे. रोजगार उपलब्धतेचे प्रमाण 25 टक्‍क्‍यांपर्यंत नेण्याच्या महत्त्वाकांक्षी निर्णयाचा भाग म्हणून भविष्यात देशाच्या अविकसित आणि ग्रामीण भागावर विशेष लक्ष केंद्रित करायचे आहे. मुक्त आणि दूरशिक्षण, तसेच इंटरनेटवर आधारित शिक्षण प्रणालीवर मोठा भर द्यायचा आहे. ज्या विद्यापीठांपुढे अपुरा निधी, ढिसाळ व्यवस्थापन, कार्यक्षमतेत वाढ होण्याची गरज अशी अनेक आव्हाने असताना बदलत्या काळाच्या संदर्भात शिक्षणक्षेत्रात खासगी क्षेत्राचाही सहभाग असावा, या मतप्रवाहाकडेही सहजी दुर्लक्ष करता येणार नाही. अर्थात या बाबतीत कर्नाटक आणि छत्तीसगड अशी दोन टोकाची उदाहरणे आपल्यासमोर आहेत. छत्तीसगडमध्ये काही वर्षांपूर्वी एका रात्रीत शेकडो विद्यापीठे उदयास आली. त्यातल्या 112 विद्यापीठांची परवानगी रद्द करण्यासाठी सर्वोच्च न्यायालयाला हस्तक्षेप करावा लागला. कर्नाटक राज्याने मात्र महाराष्ट्रासह इतर राज्यांना पथदर्शक ठरेल असे नवे धोरण आखले आहे. कर्नाटक ज्ञान आयोगाने मांडलेले महत्त्वाकांक्षी विधेयक उच्च शिक्षणाची गुणवत्ता वाढविण्यास आणि विद्यापीठांना कार्यक्षम करण्यास उपयुक्त ठरेल, असे शिक्षणक्षेत्राचे मत आहे. खासगी विद्यापीठांचे तत्त्व मान्य करताना विधेयकातल्या त्रुटी दूर करण्यासाठी कर्नाटकासारख्या यशस्वी ठरलेल्या आणि छत्तीसगड सारख्या फसलेल्या प्रयोगांचा आढावा घेणे म्हणूनच आवश्‍यक ठरणार आहे.
बदलत्या जागतिक परिस्थितीत आंतरराष्ट्रीय संस्था आणि विद्यापीठे आता भारताकडे लक्ष ठेवून आहेत. दुसरीकडे राष्ट्रीय स्तरावरही शिक्षणक्षेत्रात अनेक बदल होत आहेत. या परिस्थितीत देशातल्या तरुण पिढीच्या विस्तारत जाणाऱ्या आशाआकांक्षा लक्षात घेऊन उच्च शिक्षणक्षेत्राची पुनर्रचना करण्याचे आव्हान स्वीकारताना आता सामाजिक न्याय आणि गुणवत्तेचेही भान ठेवत योजना आखाव्या लागणार आहेत.

Spare the monument the saga our small romances

Do we love our history without a sense of responsibility? We tend not to learn much from the past but we find it convenient to bask in the glory of the heroic deeds of our ancestors. I think we all like carrying the load of our golden past without really bothering to care for it. Last week a few village youngsters from around Sinhagad “cleaned” the fort. They rubbed off names and vehicle numbers scribbled over the ruins, the only tangible link that ties us to our past.

Protecting the sanctity of Sinhagad or any monument for that matter should not be just a passing fad. I don’t wish to imply that I support the deployment of culture police at all these spots. The views of the cultural police verge on fanaticism. They have fixed notions about the 'good' and 'bad' aspects of Indian culture as they interpret it. But we need to learn the etiquettes of monument tourism. The world famous Kailas at Ellora, the stupa at Karla caves, the rock-cut images of Shiva and Vishnu at Badami, the magnificent temple complex of Patadakkal, the huge high reliefs at Elephanta, remains of the magnificent bajarpeth -- the market place atop Fort Raigad, or the now neglected Shilahar dynasty fort in the wilderness of the Western Ghats. If we want others to see these as virtual bridges to our glorious past, their sanctity needs to be preserved.

Hardly any of these great works of art is a signed piece. Sculptors who livened up the otherwise lifeless stones have left no names on their awe-inspiring creations. The only exception I found was in Raigad. The 17th century Maratha architect Hiroji Indulakar who rebuilt Raigad as the capital of Maratha raj has had two lines inscribed on the steps of the Jagadishwar temple. It reads: Seveche thai tatpar/Hiroji Indulkar (at your service, always, says Hiroji). There is so much humility to the man's claim. The place Hiroji chose to get his name engraved is one of the steps leading to the Jagdishwar temple, a spot which is not easy to notice unless it is pointed out. This is the only instance I know of a person who actually planned and worked on a project of this kind leaving his signature. The words Shri Chamundaraye Karveeyale carved at the foot of the great monolith statue of Bahubali at Shravanbelgol announces the name of the king who commissioned the work, and not of those who actually worked with the huge stone face.

Then what’s so great about leaving our names on these monuments?

Whenever I go to Sinhagad or Karla caves, I often wonder how these monument walls feel about being treated as billboards announcing the romance of faceless couples who had a good spent a happy day up here. This is the sad story of almost every forlorn fort of Maharashtra. And these edifices are the only thing we have to showcase the glorious history we never cease boasting about. Ironically, these monument were once the most critical sites of strategic planning in this region. At some of these, our ancestors have sacrificed their lives to defend their land.

I think the only way we can show respect for our culture and our past is by treating our monuments with greater respect and responsibility. And their preservation should be a matter of reason, not some fanatical sentiment.

(First published in Maharashtra Herald on April 14, 2005)

Law does not have all the answers

I have been trying to tell a story for many days now. What has been holding me back? The reluctance of the people involved in having their lives made public. In fact, they are still not willing to come out into the open. There is no need to spin a lurid story out of the lives of these young twins, my social activist friend says emphatically. This friend has been closely related with the riddle for the past many months.

There will be no names in this story, for very obvious reasons. The fight is yet to begin and those involved wouldn’t like to spoil it this early. This is not an unfamiliar story for those who have an insight into the world of destitute children. I must tell you before I start that the twins in question are in safe hands, though their present guardians are clueless about their future. The organisation where these children are currently sheltered is far from being just another destitute shelter. Their ‘home’ is pleasant and blooming with warmth.

Several months ago, the police found these angel-faced twins on a street, abandoned by their parents. The children were fortunate enough to land in caring hands. The whole routine of enquiry and investigation started then. Those running the shelter tried to locate the parents of these abandoned children. The parents were out there, somewhere. Police records showed that the couple had some kind of criminal history, and that they were in prison when these babies were found on the road. As per the existing legal system, the parental rights of the couple are still intact. But nobody knows where he or she is. Neither parent has approached the police or the shelter home to demand custody of the children.

Now for the legal records. There is a criminal case pending against the couple for abandoning their children. Under the Indian Penal Code, Section 317 prescribes a seven-year prison term for parents or caretakers who abandon children under 12 years of age. With every passing day, the twins are getting further entangled in a web of legalities. No one can adopt them, because legally, they are not orphans. They cannot stay at the shelter home beyond a certain age - the law doesn’t approve. They will be ‘transferred’ to a remand home. We all know that there is nothing reassuring about government-run remand homes in this State. The way out might be to find foster parents willing to take them in. But even so, the legal status of the children does not change. Their natural parents still retain the right to claim their custody till they attain majority as per the law.

Legal wrangles can be fought. But there are certain human issues here that go beyond the dry legal frame. There are issues about raising a growing child that law cannot deal with. I didn’t meet the twins since they were away at school when I visited their home. “They have their highs and lows,” says my friend. One is extremely reclusive. The other is a live wire, full of questions.

The trauma is yet to begin. These children are a challenge for the entire juvenile justice system. There are many socially aware people who nurse abandoned children, raise them with love and compassion and seek a secure future for them. Why should these twins be denied good and safe parentage? Just to ensure that the line drawn by a bunch of people we have elected to make policies is toed? Most of them are anyway busy fighting non-issues in assemblies and Parliament. I’ve no answer to this conundrum, but I know that together we will have to find one. After all, these twins too are part of tomorrow’s India.

(First published in the Maharashtra Herald on August 11, 2005)

Lakshmi Mukti - Trail-blazing Farm Reform

Sita’s story is the basic premise for Shetkari Sanghata’s Lakshmi Mukti programme, probably a pioneering campaign empowering women with land rights. In Queen Sita's story, even the fire of an agnipariksha could not touch her but when she and her husband return to their kingdom from Ravana's Lanka, it just takes a slanderous remark for Rama to banish her to a forest. Rama never explains anything to his wife.

Shetkari Sanghatana founder leader Sharad Joshi used this story to explain the point behind his Lakshmi Mukti project. Overnight, he would say, Sita is left with no future simply because her husband turned against her. Then referring to a Sita temple at Raveri, Joshi would conclude by saying that the purpose of the Lakshmi Mukti programme was to see that no modern-day Sita would ever have to suffer Sita's fate because she had nothing to call her own. By transferring land to their wives, farmers were paying off "a long overdue debt" to Sita mata, he would say.

Lakshmi Mukti campaign kicked off a silent revolution in late ’80s from Vitner, a little known village in north Maharashtra. It was then an experiment, unheard of in traditionally patriarchal farming communities. In later years, there were title changes for several hundred acres of land in the agrarian hinterlands of Maharashtra, empowering women. But the leaders were unsuccessful in sustaining the campaign's momentum for various reasons.

There were arguments... The predicament of women in agricultural hinterland was worst than that of landless labourers. They did two-thirds of the work but owned no assets and enjoyed no credit worthiness. Joshi then had another argument. Family economics improves when the quality of woman's life improves.

The Sanghatana’s first women’s rally at Chandwad demanded that the cost of agricultural produce should include the worth of a woman’s domestic work too. The Chandwad Declaration took a serious view of the inequitable circumstances that daughters were left with in property disputes. Rural women then also demanded partnership rights with parents and husbands.

Interestingly, even in progressive Maharashtra despite many men finding the Sita story touching, they still found the message difficult to support. As a senior Sanghatana leader had put it, in the early days of the campaign people even suspected the Sanghatana's motives. Still Sanghatana leaders were successful in convincing many in the rural areas. To begin, with people were urged to pledge some part of their lands to their wives. It was then decided that this could be with or without the formal transfer of title, but necessarily be with a formal conferment of the gross proceeds in her favour.

Maharashtra later gave daughters their rightful dues in their fathers' properties. This somewhat resolved the issue, yet the need is to change the mindset of the people. Law alone may not be sufficient.

(First published in The Maharashtra Herald on April 4, 2005)